Again, from Tom Baugh’s book, “Starving the Monkeys: An Entrepreneurial Horror”
So, about seven score years ago, our forefathers had to enlist a social cause that a) no longer served the interest of the forces of nice that had created it in the first place, and b) was in danger of burning itself out naturally. To that end, the forces of nice hired a genocidal ethnic-cleansing socially-retarded smooth-talking intellectual President from Illinois with a psychotic wife. The collective imbued in him messianic properties that resonate to this day, and gave him a mandate to murder and burn a good chunk of the nation that happened to have other plans for liberty. The collective then set him to his task with urgency, before the essential social crisis evaporated all by itself. More on that topic soon enough.
Scroll forward about a half-century for the next major blow against liberty. The social order and institutions refined during our private war of ethnic-cleansing came into their own when the collective decided to mingle in a spat between two opposing groups of our closest friends. That particular war introduced us to the lovely idea of forcing national service onto our children at the point of a gun or a gallows. And of fighting one set of friends who happened to live farther away than another set of friends, creating artificial demons in the process. Demons who would soon become real in response.
In this triumph of the collective, we splattered a good portion of our most valuable resources, blood and treasure, over the fields of Europe and the bottom of the North Atlantic. Demons alone weren’t enough to sell the sacrifice of these two resources. The blood, unwillingly provided by the lower classes, was demanded by a national draft imposed by the ethnic-cleansing veterans on their own grandchildren. Meanwhile, the treasure was eagerly sold for destruction by the proto-Muffy and proto-Biff, safely away from the hazards of war. Prosperity in that war was determined by how fast the largest could churn out the most unreliable war material. And in its destruction at the hands of the ill-trained conscripts, create a rising demand for more. Perhaps there were even academy grads hired for the purpose of extolling the virtues of the latest useless truck or gun.
At that war’s end, as the blood and treasure became exhausted, the collective devised a means to ensure that the all-valuable irritations could never heal. An armistice, neither victory not defeat for either side, ensured that friends would continue to hate, but never reconcile.
An armistice is an entirely different vehicle than an instrument of surrender.
The West decided to stop fighting because it was just too darn expensive to keep pushing farmers armed with substandard Muffy-brand weapons against Germans armed with super-reliable machine guns and chemicals. Adding to the inequity in machines was the fact that the Germans were under the command of small-unit leaders such as Lieutenant Erwin Rommel. And led by men such as Heinz Guderian watching the action thoughtfully as a signals officer from a command post. Watching and learning and thinking.
A one-sided war was exactly what was required by the collective to paint the German mind as demonic and sacrifice as valiant. Inferior material and inferior ideas fit exactly with the collective ethic of the noble self-sacrifice, so long as the sacrifice was made by someone else.
The leadership in that war didn’t have to be so one-sided, but was a direct result of the triumph of collective mores over the individual. The Americans had deliberately disenfranchised the tactically superior Southern generalship and erased them, and by extension their Revolutionary War roots, from the American warrior ethic. These small unit leadership methods, applied on the scale of armies by Washington and Stonewall Jackson, served well the rebels in the late-1700s and the rebels in the mid-1800s.
But these same effective methods were forbidden to the ill-trained and involuntary conscripts of the early-1900s, and led directly to their slaughter, a triumph of the collective over the mind.
At the same time, the collective compounded this error by cheapening the industrial base that had more or less single-handedly won the war for the North. Into the meat grinder the North had thrown steel until the grinder clogged on it. The lesson? More steel, less thought. A lesson that fell apart when it met a foe that had both.
The Germans had studied any victory regardless of its heritage, and chose to make the best weapons possible despite the potential profit margin of cheap. And so, despite the innate heroism of the American, he was hopelessly outgunned and outled in his overwhelming number. And his generals prodded him into human wave tactics that would make a modern Chinese general proud.
The armistice sleight-of-hand which followed encouraged the Germans to agree to abandon their superior weapons as a show of good faith, an early example of the perils of unilateral disarmament. After this voluntary disarmament, the western allies decided to immediately impose non-existent terms of surrender on a nation that had never officially surrendered. And, given their prowess on the battlefield against a numerically superior enemy, probably wouldn’t have needed to.
But a fraudulent victory was not enough. Immediately after the end of that war, the collective seized most of the German chemical patents in American courts at the behest of the monkey elite. These stolen patents included those of the lucrative pharmaceutical and dye industries, and denied their rightful owners the fruit of these ideas. For the Germans, a nation which lacked agricultural or other significant natural resources of any kind, their ideas and their innovations were their national export. In other times, this piracy would have been sufficient to incite a war as the monkeys seized these goods of the mind infinitely more valuable than any mere shipboard cargo. But this festering resentment would ensure that the commercial forces of Germany would later move in lockstep with the Nazis in World War II.
The treachery of the monkey collective in that armistice would not be limited to the field of commerce. In their youth, the German Lieutenants and Captains had been oppressed by the terms of a fake surrender. But in their maturity, these Generals would march with the Nazis alongside their commercial brethren. And in the march the Privates and Corporals would become Sergeants and Fuehrers. All of these formidable forces were driven by their perception of the thieves and cowards of the west and the uncivilized barbarians of the east. And of traitors in their own midst who conspired with their oppressors. Thus came industrialized slaughter, and absolutely no credible opposition in this country to the draft, the due of a veteran generation payable to its own young.
The Americans, in that war against defiance, would ride into suicidal human wave battle atop the monkey-tank of the day, named after the genocidal ethnic-cleansing general hero of the industrialized North. The Sherman, a high-riding mobile target reminiscent of child’s crayon-drawing, was no match for the German Panther or Tiger. Even the slightly more modern Pershing, named for the human-wave hero of the practice war, was no match one-on-one with the German models.
Only in the hands of a Patton would the feeble American equipment make a decent showing. Patton became a political pariah who dared to study the works of both Rommel and Stonewall Jackson. The Pattons of that war enabled the individual American soldier to survive contact with the enemy beyond the point at which the Germans or the Japanese would simply have run out of ammunition. The Pattons of that war made Presidents of men who despised men like him, and who knew only how to help the enemy exhaust that ammunition.
The Germans, of course, made a crucial strategic blunder that cost them the war, and more importantly for the modern entrepreneur, the post-war propaganda. Incensed by the onerous terms of the post-armistice, the Germans identified merchant Jews with their western enemies who had cheated their way into a false victory.
These intellectual Jews, feeling the 1920’s equivalent of white guilt, perhaps “Jew guilt”, over their parents’ and grandparents’ mercantile success, affected strongly Marxist views to assuage this guilt. But to their German peers, this affectation placed them in the camp of the barbarian Communists to the east. The Jew in Germany soon found himself labeled as an Eastern Communist or a Western Capitalist with equal disdain and precision. Finding no safe corner of political opinion in which to hide, the smart ones tried to flee this encirclement while their less-clever brethren ignored the danger.
In 1939 Guderian pointed the way through to victory in Belgium, having learned his lessons in the command post of the previous war watching the needless slaughter of static war. But behind him, the rot in the Fatherland was already taking hold.
In the practice war, the Jews had been allies in their war against the West, serving in war industry and at the front alike. But now, rather than gainfully employing these millions the Germans were besot with the task of feeding them in inefficient labor camps. And later, burdened with wasting valuable ammunition, railway traffic and industrial produce in killing them rather than the enemy.
Once the Germans began to face the human wave, agricultural, and industrial might of an entire continent, even their superior weapons and tactics were overwhelmed in their smaller number. The Germans were then left in a position in which the internment and labor camps were simply too expensive to feed. So the starving Germans, having their industry destroyed by relentless bombing and no labor to tend their meager fields, turned a deaf ear to rumors of atrocities out of raw animal survival. The triumph of the collective was almost complete as it ground through the individual as all collectives must ultimately do.
Had the Germans avoided the destruction of their Jewish resources, they might have well won the war and taken their vengeance from the duplicity of the armistice. Freed from the burden of killing Polish and Hungarian Jews, they could have solidified their industrial might atop the fields of Poland and the minds of Budapest. From that vantage they could have swiftly taken Ukraine, starving the Russians into defeat a few years later. But then, we wouldn’t have had the opportunity to experience guilt imposed on Americans for over six decades, and the power the collective derives from this. Our world today is shaped indelibly by Hitler, who was arguably the product of an unbroken chain of the monkey collective stretching back to the Annapolis and Boston slave markets.
Hitler can be seen as a symptom of practice war subterfuge rather than the cause of evil. Without other hands beside him, he would have amounted to nothing but a street-corner rant. But instead, he shaped our modern world. As proof, consider the Cold War, the dark fantasy of the war merchant and the political oppressor alike. Without nuclear weapons, the agrarian Soviet Union would have been little more than a footnote on the page of history.
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